Grécia - Tópico principal

[Elder]

Corre um rumor no mercado que, no eurogrupo desta semana, a UE vai dizer à Grecia: "ou aceitam a nossa proposta, ou cortamos imediatamente a ELA a todos os bancos gregos". À 2 anos esta chantagem funcionou no chipre.

[pedferre]

Essa sempre foi uma hipotese, deixar ficar a grécia dentro do Euro mas sem financiamento, mas isso também leva a que a Grécia depois não pague os emprestimos com mais emprestimos que a Europa lhes ia fornecer.

[JoaoAP]

Mulher de ministro grego das Finanças em Cerveira para falar museus digitais
..
Vila Nova de Cerveira, Viana do Castelo, 15 jun (Lusa) - Danae Stratou, casada com o ministro grego das Finanças, Yanis Varoufakis, é uma das artistas convidadas para participar na conferência internacional sobre "Arte Contemporânea e Museologia", na quarta-feira, em Vila Nova de Cerveira, disse hoje à Lusa a organização.

...

Visao.sapo.pt

Ela vem aqui adoçar o governo ...
Como por aqui disseram muito bem dela     têm oportunidade de estar com ela ao vivo!

Agora outro assunto:
sempre pensei que chegassem a acordo com o Gregos, pelo menos algo que levasse isto até +-Out sem turbulência, mas parece que não.
A acompanhar.

[Zark]

Greece Isn't Going To Become The Next Zimbabwe, Not Even The Next Venezuela

The Greek situation isn’t looking good for those who hope for a deal which leaves Greece both inside the euro and also able to deal with its mountain of debt. However, it’s all a bit much to then decide that Greece will thus be condemned to become the sort of howling wasteland of an economy that Zimbabwe represents. But that’s the idea that has been put forward here, in all places, at the Telegraph. No, Syriza and Tsipras are not similar to Mugabe and Zanu, no, even if they do leave the euro they’re not going to hyperinflate the new drachma. I may not agree with a lot of their leftist political ideas but seriously, they’re just not that stupid.

But that’s the idea that’s put forward:

The question of course is whether falling out of the euro would lead to a return to the Drachma, or some new form of currency? Some 58pc of Syriza supporters in a recent poll said they would rather return to the Drachma than remain in the euro. Maybe so but, having become the first country to smash out of the eurozone, what would the fate of the Drachma look like?
Data from the World Bank show Greece’s inflation rate peaked at 4.7pc in 2010, and has since slumped into deflationary territory. But with the euro gone, and with prices and trading relationships uncertain, it is more than likely that inflation could spiral out of check.
No-one – despite the many column inches that have been written on the subject – can accurately predict what will happen to the Greek economy if that happens.
The situation in Zimbabwe should be a cautionary tale for the Syriza backers so keen to quit the euro project and start again.

Let’s assume that Greece did come out of the euro. Would there then be some inflation? Yes, there most certainly would be. The drachma would fall from parity with the euro, undoubtedly. A falling currency does lead to inflation as imports become more expensive. But that’s not in fact a problem, that’s actually the aim of having your own currency. So that, if your economy, or your labour costs say, have become out of line with others globally then it is possible to reprice things in one fell swoop. Devalue the currency by 20% and you’ve just made the labour embodied in your exports 20% cheaper. And you’ve also made those imports more expensive meaning that you’d expect exports to rise and imports to fall. In the Greek case this would almost certainly be in the form of an expansion of tourism to that country. Why not, it’s a startlingly beautiful place and cheaper will mean more people go.

Further, we’ve our Keynesian point that wages are sticky downwards. We all hate our nominal wages falling. Which is exactly why Greece has had such austerity, because that’s the only way to force that upon people. So, devaluation is an easier way of repricing the economy (as Paul Krugman currently points out, as Milton Friedman used to).

Syriza may be leftists but they’re not kleptomaniac fools, so they’re just not going to do a Zimbabwe on anyone. Good grief, the central bank there just kept printing notes until the last batch weren’t worth enough to purchase the ink to produce the next batch. They’re also not going to turn the place into Venezuela either (whatever their Left Platform, and the similar Podemos in Spain think about socialism). They might want pensions to be a bit higher, they’re not all that keen on things like privatisation, but none of them think that price fixing is the way to improve an economy. Given that that’s what the Chavez and Maduro mistake has been they’re just not going to go down that road either.

Come along now, I don’t agree with much of what Syriza thinks about the world either but holding out the prospect of Zimbabwean hyperinflation as a likely outcome of leaving the euro is just scare mongering.

forbes

[Incognitus]

Zimbabwe não é nada provável, mas Venezuela não parece impossível.

Depende das políticas. A Grécia, porém, tem condições mais que suficientes para se tornar um país de sucesso razoável dentro da Europa, bastando para tal políticas razoáveis.

[peluto]

Zimbabwe não é nada provável, mas Venezuela não parece impossível.

Depende das políticas. A Grécia, porém, tem condições mais que suficientes para se tornar um país de sucesso razoável dentro da Europa, bastando para tal políticas razoáveis.

Não faço ideia se a Grécia se vai transformar no Zimbabwe ou na Venezuela, embora, ache improvável que venha a ser parecido a qualquer um dos 2, mas, concordo em absoluto que, a Grécia, como qualquer outro país da UE, poderia ter o tal sucesso dentro da UE, mas esse, tem sido, para os países da periferia, o grande problema, políticas/políticos razoáveis. Parece espécie em vias de extinção por estas bandas...

[pedferre]

Também num pais como Portugal em que bem mais de metade da população é de esquerda (BE, PCP, PS, etc), e o dinossauro partido comunista (que nem existe sequer em Espanha nem em noutras bandas) tem mais de 10% de votos, e o próprio PSD até à troika era mais de esquerda do que de direita, é dificil ter politicos de jeito.

[pedferre]

Já descobri qual a solução do Tsipras para a semana critica de negociações com a troika... vai fazer uma visita de 3 dias à Rússia, em Julho passa a emitir a nova moeda drakmas russos. 

[Zark]

Zimbabwe não é nada provável, mas Venezuela não parece impossível.

Depende das políticas. A Grécia, porém, tem condições mais que suficientes para se tornar um país de sucesso razoável dentro da Europa, bastando para tal políticas razoáveis.

Não faço ideia se a Grécia se vai transformar no Zimbabwe ou na Venezuela, embora, ache improvável que venha a ser parecido a qualquer um dos 2, mas, concordo em absoluto que, a Grécia, como qualquer outro país da UE, poderia ter o tal sucesso dentro da UE, mas esse, tem sido, para os países da periferia, o grande problema, políticas/políticos razoáveis. Parece espécie em vias de extinção por estas bandas...

Nunca houvi os políticos finlandeses serem dados por pouco razoáveis. O deficit era mínimo e a dívida também.
elE lá vão alegremente pelo mesmo caminho que a Grécia.

A questão não é política.É económica.
O euro não funciona para as economias mais pequenas. assim que sofrem um choque assimétrico, vão para o buraco.
nem sei se funcionará para as economias maiorzinhas.
para nós, para os gregos e para os finlandeses e para os outros periféricos não funciona de certeza.

Z

[Incognitus]

Eles não irão pelo mesmo caminho, mesmo que tenham dificuldades pelos efeitos "one-off" que os atingiram. A Grécia rebentou devido a uma coisa estrutural, a Finlândia tem problemas devido a coisas excepcionais.

[Zark]

Eles não irão pelo mesmo caminho, mesmo que tenham dificuldades pelos efeitos "one-off" que os atingiram. A Grécia rebentou devido a uma coisa estrutural, a Finlândia tem problemas devido a coisas excepcionais.

mas vão andar a penar anos, para ajustar salários porque não podem desvalorizar (já o fizeram em 1990).
e numa sociedade daquelas, muito mergulhada na solidariedade social, quando os laços solidários começarem a quebrar-se, não vai ser uma coisa bonita de se ver.
como disse já, se não for o primeiro a saltar fora do euro é o segundo.
os finlandeses como povo não estão para essa tretas de destruír de uma penada um estado social que demorou um século para construir.
o país é enorme, pouquíssimo povoado. só com grande despesa social se conseguem manter comunidades a viver a distâncias enormes umas das outras e muitas já dentro do círculo polar ártico.
o alcance do colapso finlandês vai ser muito maior que o da grécia.
é que aqui não vai haver desculpas de preguiçosos, gastadores etc. são exactamente o contrário.
se afinal rebentam como os outros, não são concerteza eles que estão mal. é o sistema monetário e económico.

Z

[Zark]

Europe must save Greece to save itself
Timothy Garton Ash

Even if you don’t care about the Greek people, be warned – the faultlines of Grexit would shake the entire continent
Grexit consequences 'would be not just economic, but human, geopolitical and historic'.

Europe must save Greece. The consequences of keeping Greece within the eurozone will be bad, but those of its leaving would be worse. They would be not just economic, but human, geopolitical and historic. Europe would never be the same again.

I was in Greece two weeks ago, and grasped this at every turn, from standing on the ancient Pnyx, the birthplace of democracy, through talking to business leaders, journalists and academics, many of who were witheringly critical of the current Syriza government. But since then I have been back in northern Europe, in England, Belgium and now Poland, and in the north I find not just relative indifference (Greece is more often the subject of jokes than of deep concern) but also two dangerous illusions.

First, there is still a widespread assumption that this Greek-German game of “chicken” will somehow end in a last-minute, classic Brussels-style incomprehensible compromise. Second, and sometimes alternatively, there is the view that Grexit would not matter that much anyway: Greece represents less than 2% of the eurozone’s economic output, and the eurozone now has firewalls to prevent the flames spreading to other southern European countries.

Why should hardworking people, from Ireland to Latvia, who have taken the pain of structural reform and austerity, go on paying for those who have not? Maybe in the end, Grexit would be better for all concerned.

Francesco Giavazzi, an economics professor at Bocconi University in Milan, even dares to write: “We should ask ourselves whether it is really so important to keep Greece inside the EU.”

Let’s take these two illusions in turn. First, it could happen tomorrow. Greek bank deposits are sinking like water from a cracked water tank: reduced by more than €500m (£362m) on one day alone, 5 June, after the government had aborted a scheduled payment to the International Monetary Fund.

The rich have already taken much of their money out of the country and the poor are stashing it under their mattresses.

One more panic, a run on the banks, and you would have capital controls and a bankrupt government issuing IOUs to pay wages and pensions.

Zeus alone knows what would follow. Perhaps it could still be saved, with a kind of negotiated default inside the eurozone, but only the most irresponsible playboy game theorist would count on it. Grexit could happen by Graccident.

And why would it matter if it happened? For starters, the markets would know that eurozone membership is not irreversible. Contagion to the government bonds of the next weakest eurozone debtor nation would probably not be immediate, but any new crisis in a weak economy could potentially trigger aggressive speculation.

Then there is the economic and therefore human cost in Greece. It is pointless to go over all the past mistakes: there are enough to fill all the confessionals in all the churches in the great Polish city of Wrocław (where I write these lines), and I can tell you that there are a lot of people waiting to audit the sins of others.

Needless to say, Greece should never have joined a eurozone which should itself never have been introduced with such a flawed design. Needless to say, clientelist Greek governments able to borrow at German interest rates made an already bad situation worse during the early years of the euro, in cahoots with their oligarchs; the post-crisis medicine prescribed by Germany and the IMF was almost bound to worsen the condition of such a sickly patient; the patient only pretended to take some of that medicine; and so on. But this is not the moment to be quarrelling over history.

Apportion the blame where you will, the fact remains that many Greeks have suffered terribly. In cold figures, real spending in the Greek economy fell by roughly a third in seven years, with close to one in every two young people out of work. A colder figure still: the number of suicides increased by more than 35% between 2010 and 2012. I cannot get out of my head the story of Theodoros Giannaros, the head of Elpis hospital in Athens, exhausted, chain-smoking, working 20 hours a day with drastically cut medical resources. As Giannaros worked to save lives, he received news that his 26-year-old son had taken his own life by jumping in front of an underground train.

The case for radical change in Europe can’t be left to the nationalist right

If Greece fell out of the eurozone, nobody knows exactly what would happen, but the Nobel prize-winning economist Christopher Pissarides reckons the result might be the most dramatic fall in living standards in recent economic history. And every Greek would cry: “For what did we take all this pain?”

Since the country still has the political system invented in ancient Athens, and practised on the Pnyx, this mixture of fury and despair would be expressed through the ballot box. Unless some miracle intervened, that would surely result in an even more radical, populist, nationalist government, whether of the left or the right.

This would have grave consequences for the whole European Union and its place in the world. Whether or not in strict legal theory an exit from the eurozone should entail an exit from the EU, in practice fellow member states would try to keep it in – and, in the worst case, the practicalities of disentanglement would take years. Meanwhile, a post-Grexit radical Greek government could, for example, start by vetoing a further extension of sanctions on Russia over Ukraine.

While Moscow would not actually put up much money, it would be more than happy to play the political card of solidarity between two great nations of the Orthodox faith. As for those thousands of refugees from the Middle East and Africa already coming across the Mediterranean, Athens would have no incentive not to pass them straight on to those richer Europeans who (as most Greeks would see it) had left Greece in the lurch.

I asked a former Turkish minister how Turkey would react. Well, he said, with the devalued neo-drachma, Greece would offer Turkey’s tourist industry more competition on price, but geopolitically Grexit would further weaken the attraction of EU membership. Instead, Turkey would look to be a regional power in its own right.

Meanwhile, China already owns the container port of Piraeus in Athens and has designated it a vital entrypoint into Europe in its hugely ambitious “One Belt, One Road” strategy, sometimes known as the “new silk road”. Beijing, with its vast foreign currency reserves, would be more than happy to pick up some more of the pieces – and thereby also gain further influence inside the EU.

The place that was once the cradle of both Europe and democracy – the Greek fleet that defeated ancient Persia at the battle of Salamis sailed from the harbour of Piraeus – would now be just the tip of the Chinese dragon’s tail. And sooner or later, there would be a sting in that tail.

Thus, even if you have not a drop of sympathy in your heart for the Greeks, not even for Giannaros and his lost son, so long as you have a brain in your head and care at all about the future of Europe, you will understand why we must save Greece.

theguardian

[Incognitus]

Eles não irão pelo mesmo caminho, mesmo que tenham dificuldades pelos efeitos "one-off" que os atingiram. A Grécia rebentou devido a uma coisa estrutural, a Finlândia tem problemas devido a coisas excepcionais.

mas vão andar a penar anos, para ajustar salários porque não podem desvalorizar (já o fizeram em 1990).
e numa sociedade daquelas, muito mergulhada na solidariedade social, quando os laços solidários começarem a quebrar-se, não vai ser uma coisa bonita de se ver.
como disse já, se não for o primeiro a saltar fora do euro é o segundo.
os finlandeses como povo não estão para essa tretas de destruír de uma penada um estado social que demorou um século para construir.
o país é enorme, pouquíssimo povoado. só com grande despesa social se conseguem manter comunidades a viver a distâncias enormes umas das outras e muitas já dentro do círculo polar ártico.
o alcance do colapso finlandês vai ser muito maior que o da grécia.
é que aqui não vai haver desculpas de preguiçosos, gastadores etc. são exactamente o contrário.
se afinal rebentam como os outros, não são concerteza eles que estão mal. é o sistema monetário e económico.

Z

Eles são o contrário mas não é todos os dias que se perde uma mega-empresa como a Nokia, e ainda por cima outro dos principais sectores está nas ruas da amargura.

Eles vão dar a volta por cima, mas vão ter que empreender e desenvolver novos sectores e empresas relevantes.

[Zark]

Eles não irão pelo mesmo caminho, mesmo que tenham dificuldades pelos efeitos "one-off" que os atingiram. A Grécia rebentou devido a uma coisa estrutural, a Finlândia tem problemas devido a coisas excepcionais.

mas vão andar a penar anos, para ajustar salários porque não podem desvalorizar (já o fizeram em 1990).
e numa sociedade daquelas, muito mergulhada na solidariedade social, quando os laços solidários começarem a quebrar-se, não vai ser uma coisa bonita de se ver.
como disse já, se não for o primeiro a saltar fora do euro é o segundo.
os finlandeses como povo não estão para essa tretas de destruír de uma penada um estado social que demorou um século para construir.
o país é enorme, pouquíssimo povoado. só com grande despesa social se conseguem manter comunidades a viver a distâncias enormes umas das outras e muitas já dentro do círculo polar ártico.
o alcance do colapso finlandês vai ser muito maior que o da grécia.
é que aqui não vai haver desculpas de preguiçosos, gastadores etc. são exactamente o contrário.
se afinal rebentam como os outros, não são concerteza eles que estão mal. é o sistema monetário e económico.

Z

Eles são o contrário mas não é todos os dias que se perde uma mega-empresa como a Nokia, e ainda por cima outro dos principais sectores está nas ruas da amargura.

Eles vão dar a volta por cima, mas vão ter que empreender e desenvolver novos sectores e empresas relevantes.

como é que empreende e investe numa economia em recessão?
como é que os investidores põe o dinheiro a mexer na ausência de procura, destruída pelo desemprego?

não é como se não estivesses já a par destes efeitos.
não percebo porque é que achas que na finlândia vai ser diferente.

num ano máximo dois a finlândia está a precisar de um resgate.
vai mais um almocinho nisso?

Z

[Incognitus]

Notícias na imprensa alemã da possibilidade de controlos de capitais na Grécia.

[Incognitus]

Eles não irão pelo mesmo caminho, mesmo que tenham dificuldades pelos efeitos "one-off" que os atingiram. A Grécia rebentou devido a uma coisa estrutural, a Finlândia tem problemas devido a coisas excepcionais.

mas vão andar a penar anos, para ajustar salários porque não podem desvalorizar (já o fizeram em 1990).
e numa sociedade daquelas, muito mergulhada na solidariedade social, quando os laços solidários começarem a quebrar-se, não vai ser uma coisa bonita de se ver.
como disse já, se não for o primeiro a saltar fora do euro é o segundo.
os finlandeses como povo não estão para essa tretas de destruír de uma penada um estado social que demorou um século para construir.
o país é enorme, pouquíssimo povoado. só com grande despesa social se conseguem manter comunidades a viver a distâncias enormes umas das outras e muitas já dentro do círculo polar ártico.
o alcance do colapso finlandês vai ser muito maior que o da grécia.
é que aqui não vai haver desculpas de preguiçosos, gastadores etc. são exactamente o contrário.
se afinal rebentam como os outros, não são concerteza eles que estão mal. é o sistema monetário e económico.

Z

Eles são o contrário mas não é todos os dias que se perde uma mega-empresa como a Nokia, e ainda por cima outro dos principais sectores está nas ruas da amargura.

Eles vão dar a volta por cima, mas vão ter que empreender e desenvolver novos sectores e empresas relevantes.

como é que empreende e investe numa economia em recessão?
como é que os investidores põe o dinheiro a mexer na ausência de procura, destruída pelo desemprego?

não é como se não estivesses já a par destes efeitos.
não percebo porque é que achas que na finlândia vai ser diferente.

num ano máximo dois a finlândia está a precisar de um resgate.
vai mais um almocinho nisso?

Z

Da mesma forma de sempre - produzindo bens procurados externamente, não internamente.

[Incognitus]

Google Translate:

https://translate.google.co.uk/translate?sl=auto&tl=en&js=y&prev=_t&hl=en&ie=UTF-8&u=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.sueddeutsche.de%2Fwirtschaft%2Fgriechenland-euro-laender-beschliessen-griechenland-notfallplan-1.2522183&edit-text=&act=url

[Incognitus]

* GERMANY'S SCHAEUBLE DRAFTING OPTIONS FOR GREECE: FAZ

[Zark]

E.U. Urged to Plan for Greece to Default

Martin Schulz, the president of the European Parliament, said a withdrawal from the eurozone would have drastic consequences for Greece as well as for the European Union.

BRUSSELS — A chorus of voices on Monday called on European Union authorities to plan for Greece to default on its huge pile of debt after bailout talks between Athens and its creditors deteriorated over the weekend.

Some senior politicians and policy makers from Germany were among the most outspoken, with one warning of the need for a “state of emergency” to handle the potential fallout from a failure to reach a deal with the Greek government.

The impasse over the debt talks exposed the wide gap between Greece and its creditors — other eurozone countries, the European Central Bank and the International Monetary Fund. The two sides are deadlocked over what steps Greece must take to overhaul its economy, particularly regarding its pension system and budget surplus.

Unless they work out a deal, the creditors will not unlock aid payments from Greece’s international bailout, raising the likelihood that Athens would be forced to default. A repayment of 1.6 billion euros, or $1.8 billion, to the International Monetary Fund is due on June 30.

The sides were hardening their positions in advance of Thursday’s meeting of euro-area finance ministers, whose approval is required for any resolution to take effect. But the increasingly acrimonious talks are adding to fears that Greece will become the first country to leave the 19-nation currency bloc.

Greece’s stock market fell sharply on Monday, opening 6.5 percent lower, as interest rates on European government bonds rose. European markets also slumped, with the Euro Stoxx 50 index 1.3 percent lower in afternoon trading in London.

Weekend discussions between senior Greek government officials and representatives of creditor groups broke down on Sunday evening, as the two sides refused to soften their long-held bargaining positions.

But Gavriil Sakellaridis, a spokesman for the Greek government, said on Monday that, for Athens, the “only plan, basic plan, is to reach a deal.” He added that “efforts will continue for a mutually beneficial agreement.”

The country became the epicenter of Europe’s debt crisis after Wall Street imploded in 2008. Now, it is struggling to pay its debt, and its people and creditors are growing restive.

President François Hollande of France on Monday warned that failure to reach a deal on Greece could lead to “a period of turbulence.”

Speaking at a news conference at the International Paris Air Show, Mr. Hollande said that he would tell the Greek prime minister, Alexis Tsipras, “let’s not waste time, let’s resume negotiations as soon as possible.”

“Time is running extremely short,” he said. “This is a message to Greece. Greece should not wait but return to discussions with the institutions.”

One of the key issues hanging over the negotiations is the continuing flight of capital from the Greek banking system. Mario Draghi, president of the European Central Bank, said on Monday that his institution had already provided emergency funding to Greek banks this year of about €118 billion, roughly double the 2014 figure.

That funding will continue to be forthcoming as long as the Greek banks remain healthy, Mr. Draghi told the Economic and Monetary Affairs Committee of the European Parliament in Brussels. But he said any that loosening of the rules on Greek lenders’ holdings of short-term debt — a primary source of the fragile Athens government’s funding — hinged on the “credible” prospect of a deal with creditors.

“The ball lies firmly in the camp of the Greek authorities,” Mr. Draghi, added. “Urgent action is necessary.”

Jens Weidmann, the president of the Bundesbank, Germany’s central bank, echoed that sentiment and warned of the increasing danger that Greece would have to declare bankruptcy.

“Time is running out. The likelihood that no solution can be found is growing day by day,” he told a conference in Frankfurt on Monday. “There seems to be a lack of will to reach agreement,” he said.

Mr. Weidmann argued for something more than a stopgap solution so that “Greece can stand on its own two legs” without continually turning to partners for help.

This is just the latest battle of wills in the long-running crisis that has prompted speculation that Greece is in imminent danger of abandoning the euro.

Four years ago, after months of arduous negotiations and large anti-austerity protests in Athens, lenders agreed to reduce interest rates paid by Greece for its loans while the following spring private creditors had their loans restructured.

A standoff late last year, when lenders said Greece had failed to fulfill its loan conditions, prompted political upheaval and led to snap general elections. The results brought the left-wing Syriza party to power and finally led to an interim agreement with the creditors in February that extended the European part of the bailout program by four months.

All parties have repeatedly found ways to delay a reckoning. But the current round of posturing and brinkmanship is expected to escalate toward the end of June, when the extension expires.

Günther Oettinger, the European commissioner for digital affairs who is close to Chancellor Angela Merkel of Germany, called on the European Commission to make plans for a “state of emergency” in Greece from July 1. The commission is one of three institutions, along with the International Monetary Fund and European Central Bank, that oversee Greece’s compliance with the terms of its loans.

Mr. Oettinger was among several leaders of Ms. Merkel’s Christian Democrats who met for a regular party leadership session on Monday at which Greece was the foremost topic.


There were also cautionary words for Greece from Sigmar Gabriel, the leader of the center-left Social Democrats, who are Ms. Merkel’s partners in government.

In what amounted to the strongest warning yet from his party to the leftist government in Athens, Mr. Gabriel told Bild, Germany’s top-selling newspaper, “We want to help Greece and keep them in the euro” but “it is not only time that is running out, but everywhere in Europe the patience.”

He added, “Everywhere in Europe the mood is growing: ‘Enough!’ ”

Mr. Gabriel also expressed sympathy for ordinary Greeks, “who so urgently need this help from Europe.” But, he emphasized: “Europe and Germany will not be blackmailed. And we will not let German workers and their families pay for the exaggerated election promises of a partly Communist government.”

The Athens government sought to underline that the debt crisis was as much a problem for Europe as for the Greek people — and indicated that it was prepared to bet that its creditors would blink first.

“We will patiently wait for the institutions to adhere to realism,” said Mr. Tsipras, who was referring to Greece’s creditors.

“Those who perceive our sincere wish for a solution and our attempts to bridge the differences as a sign of weakness, should consider the following: We are not simply shouldering a history laden with struggles,” Mr. Tsipras said. “We are shouldering the dignity of our people, as well as the hopes of the people of Europe.”

Greek newspapers criticized European creditors for making too many demands that risked unleashing economic chaos, but some also suggested that the Athens government was mismanaging the latest chapter of the Greek debt drama.

“A scenario of rupture, the road opens to default,” the right-wing Eleftheros Typos said.

“Callous creditors, awkward government,” the center-left Ta Nea said.

The European Commission said at a daily briefing in Brussels on Monday that there were no scheduled meetings between Greece and its creditors before a meeting of eurozone finance ministers on Thursday in Luxembourg. But the president of the European Commission, Jean-Claude Juncker, was expected to meet with Mr. Draghi, the head of the European Central Bank, to discuss the talks.

nyt

[Incognitus]

A ironia de ser a Europa a malvada mas serem os Gregos a tirar o dinheiro todo dos SEUS bancos, e ser a Europa a tapar o buraco ...