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Autor Tópico: Krugman et al  (Lida 605854 vezes)

Incognitus

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Re:Krugman et al
« Responder #240 em: 2012-10-02 19:41:01 »
Eu não estava a indicar o artigo inteiro, embora o artigo seja realista, mas obviamente sendo difícil estabelecer o nexo causal (de resto, a base da teoria é mesmo que o povo não vê o nexo causal e procura culpados na mesma).
 
Apenas indicava que o dito compreendia a base da economia, que é simplesmente fazermos coisas uns para os outros.
"Nem tudo o que pode ser contado conta, e nem tudo o que conta pode ser contado.", Albert Einstein

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Incognitus

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Re:Krugman et al
« Responder #241 em: 2012-10-02 19:46:17 »
Compreender a economia em termos simples ajuda a achar soluções. Entender coisas simples tipo:
* A economia somos nós a fazer coisas uns para os outros;
* A principal razão para se criar emprego são os lucros;
* O aumento de produtividade implica que a única forma de manter o emprego é aumentar a diversificação da economia ao longo do tempo.
 
E por aí adiante.
 
Daqui resultam linhas mestras sobre o que se tem que fazer para levar de novo o país para os eixos.
"Nem tudo o que pode ser contado conta, e nem tudo o que conta pode ser contado.", Albert Einstein

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Zel

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Re:Krugman et al
« Responder #242 em: 2012-10-02 21:14:09 »
tb nao entendo muito bem pq diabo o krugman seria considerado mais cientifico, a economia eh mesmo assim, e' uma soft science em que ninguem se entende pq nao da para provar nada 

Lark

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Re:Krugman et al
« Responder #243 em: 2012-10-02 21:23:15 »
tb nao entendo muito bem pq diabo o krugman seria considerado mais cientifico, a economia eh mesmo assim, e' uma soft science em que ninguem se entende pq nao da para provar nada

o que é isso de uma soft science?
Be Kind; Everyone You Meet is Fighting a Battle.
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If you have more than you need, build a longer table rather than a taller fence.
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So, first of all, let me assert my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is...fear itself — nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance.
Franklin D. Roosevelt

Lark

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Re:Krugman et al
« Responder #244 em: 2012-10-02 21:28:03 »
tb nao entendo muito bem pq diabo o krugman seria considerado mais cientifico, a economia eh mesmo assim, e' uma soft science em que ninguem se entende pq nao da para provar nada

o que é isso de uma soft science?

não considero que haja soft e hard science.
existe o método científico. que aplicado na química e física, produz ciências exactas;
e que aplicado na economia, psicologia, história etc produz ciências não exactas. ou antes, nem sempre exactas. mas não menos ciências.
Be Kind; Everyone You Meet is Fighting a Battle.
Ian Mclaren
------------------------------
If you have more than you need, build a longer table rather than a taller fence.
l6l803399
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So, first of all, let me assert my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is...fear itself — nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance.
Franklin D. Roosevelt

Zel

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Re:Krugman et al
« Responder #245 em: 2012-10-02 21:56:56 »
tb nao entendo muito bem pq diabo o krugman seria considerado mais cientifico, a economia eh mesmo assim, e' uma soft science em que ninguem se entende pq nao da para provar nada

o que é isso de uma soft science?

não considero que haja soft e hard science.
existe o método científico. que aplicado na química e física, produz ciências exactas;
e que aplicado na economia, psicologia, história etc produz ciências não exactas. ou antes, nem sempre exactas. mas não menos ciências.

a destincao faz todo o sentido pois nas soft sciences o problema da complexidade do que se estuda e a dificuldade em isolar variaveis e' ainda maior, ao ponto de nao ser possivel tirar conclusoes com o mesmo rigor cientifico (e mais provavelmente com nenhum rigor cientifico)

compara por ex a fisica com a economia, em fisica nas coisas essenciais qs todos concordam, em economia ninguem concorda e temos premios nobeis com teorias totalmente diferentes e incompativeis

acho que levas muito a serio a economia, a sociologia e a psicologia, sao tudo menos ciencias respeitaveis e estao permeadas pela fraude e pela ideologia

ora se ate o francisco louca e' economista com publicacoes !!!
« Última modificação: 2012-10-02 22:39:59 por Zel »

Zel

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Re:Krugman et al
« Responder #246 em: 2012-10-03 06:44:58 »
http://www.bloomberg.com/news/2012-06-21/anna-schwartz-economist-milton-friedman-s-co-author-dies-at-96.html

Fed Criticism

“To me, it is an open and shut case,” she said in an interview in May 2008. “The Fed had no business intervening there.”
In a 2008 interview with Barron’s, Schwartz said the government needed to stop injecting liquidity into markets and reacting to the credit crisis with ad hoc programs.
“If I regret one thing, it’s that Milton Friedman isn’t alive to see what’s happening today,” she told the magazine. Referring to Bernanke, she said, “It’s like the only lesson the Federal Reserve took from the Great Depression was to flood the market with liquidity. Well, it isn’t working.”
Schwartz said in a July 2009 commentary for the New York Times that Bernanke, the architect of the central bank’s emergency programs, didn’t deserve reappointment as Fed chief.
“Mr. Bernanke seems to know only two amounts: zero and trillions,” she said, referring to his policy of holding the target interest rate near zero and the expansion of the Fed’s assets to $2 trillion in July 2009, more than double the level of early 2008. The U.S. Senate’s 70-30 vote to approve Bernanke for a second four-year term in 2010 marked the greatest opposition to a Fed chairman since the office became subject to Senate confirmation in 1978.

Zel

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Re:Krugman et al
« Responder #247 em: 2012-10-03 06:46:34 »
os fans do Krugman e do Fed invocam as teorias do Milton Friedman como justificacao para as accoes do Fed, esquecendo que a pessoa que provavelmente melhor o entendia nao concorda com nada do que eles estao a fazer e que era da opiniao que ele, Milton, tb nao concordaria
« Última modificação: 2012-10-03 06:50:28 por Zel »

Lark

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Re:Krugman et al
« Responder #248 em: 2012-10-03 08:23:07 »
os fans do Krugman e do Fed invocam as teorias do Milton Friedman como justificacao para as accoes do Fed, esquecendo que a pessoa que provavelmente melhor o entendia nao concorda com nada do que eles estao a fazer e que era da opiniao que ele, Milton, tb nao concordaria

o Friedman tb advogava as injecções de capital num contexto de armadilha de liquidez. isso é evidente. o restp é propaganda.
não queres que te desmascare mais um mito, pois não?
Be Kind; Everyone You Meet is Fighting a Battle.
Ian Mclaren
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If you have more than you need, build a longer table rather than a taller fence.
l6l803399
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So, first of all, let me assert my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is...fear itself — nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance.
Franklin D. Roosevelt

Lark

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Re:Krugman et al
« Responder #249 em: 2012-10-03 08:25:45 »
Monetarist Pathos
I feel David Beckworth’s pain. Really, I do.

Beckworth and a few others are trying to keep the spirit of monetarism alive. What I mean by that is that, like Friedman, they’re trying to reconcile a conservative view of government’s proper role with a bit of macroeconomic realism. They accept that a recession represents a huge market failure demanding policy action. But they want to keep that policy action narrowly technocratic, limited to open-market operations by the central bank.

As I’ve argued before, this doctrine has failed the reality test: liquidity traps are real, and blithe assertions that central banks can easily pump up demand even in the face of zero short-term rates have not proved correct.

But what our modern monetarists are facing is a different problem: it turns out that they have no political home. The modern American conservative movement has no room for nuance, for the idea that some forms of government activism are a good idea. Ayn Rand, not Milton Friedman, is their patron saint; in fact, if Friedman were alive today, he’d be shunned as a dangerous radical with inflationary ideas.

And no amount of data will change their minds. If you look at what these people say, they’ve taken to putting scare quotes around the word “data”. Numbers, you see, have a clear liberal bias.

So again, I feel the monetarists’ pain. But they should have realized that this was coming.
Be Kind; Everyone You Meet is Fighting a Battle.
Ian Mclaren
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If you have more than you need, build a longer table rather than a taller fence.
l6l803399
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So, first of all, let me assert my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is...fear itself — nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance.
Franklin D. Roosevelt

Zel

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Re:Krugman et al
« Responder #250 em: 2012-10-03 09:00:31 »
os fans do Krugman e do Fed invocam as teorias do Milton Friedman como justificacao para as accoes do Fed, esquecendo que a pessoa que provavelmente melhor o entendia nao concorda com nada do que eles estao a fazer e que era da opiniao que ele, Milton, tb nao concordaria

o Friedman tb advogava as injecções de capital num contexto de armadilha de liquidez. isso é evidente. o restp é propaganda.
não queres que te desmascare mais um mito, pois não?

respondeste a pressa e automaticamente, o argumento da anna eh precisamente esse, que nao ha uma armadilha de liquidez... que estamos numa situacao totalmente diferente da depressao e sim a salvar bancos insolventes

a minha critica tb era para ti lark, que ja usaste o  nome do friedman erroneamente precisamente por confundires problemas de liquidez com solvencia



« Última modificação: 2012-10-03 09:17:49 por Zel »

Zel

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Re:Krugman et al
« Responder #251 em: 2012-10-03 09:12:32 »
os fans do Krugman e do Fed invocam as teorias do Milton Friedman como justificacao para as accoes do Fed, esquecendo que a pessoa que provavelmente melhor o entendia nao concorda com nada do que eles estao a fazer e que era da opiniao que ele, Milton, tb nao concordaria

o Friedman tb advogava as injecções de capital num contexto de armadilha de liquidez. isso é evidente. o restp é propaganda.
não queres que te desmascare mais um mito, pois não?

tens uma visao de ti e do teu guru como myth busters, eu discordo

se alguma coisa sao criadores de mitos, por exemplo o mito que ha dados suficientes para saber se esta experiencia do QE3 vai acabar bem

« Última modificação: 2012-10-03 09:22:29 por Zel »

Zel

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Re:Krugman et al
« Responder #252 em: 2012-10-03 09:17:09 »
http://online.wsj.com/article/SB122428279231046053.html

este artigo explica melhor a opiniao da anna schwartz

Lark

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Re:Krugman et al
« Responder #253 em: 2012-10-03 13:20:25 »
Channeling Milton Friedman
By DAVID WESSEL

Enough about John Maynard Keynes. We can be sure the 20th century British economic giant would advise more government spending to spur U.S. economic growth with consumers and businesses so hesitant and short-term interest rates at zero.

What would Milton Friedman, the University of Chicago champion of monetary discipline, do now? What would he say—reversing the charges when he returned a reporter's call, as he always did—if asked about Federal Reserve Chairman Ben Bernanke's imminent move to print hundreds of billions of dollars to buy more U.S. Treasury bonds to put more money into the economy?

We can't ask him. He died in 2006. "Friedman," says one of his eminent students, Robert Lucas of the University of Chicago, "was such an original thinker that one could never guess how he would react to a new question." Nevertheless, this seems a ripe moment to contemplate Friedman's views and those of his disciples—though they don't agree among themselves.

Friedman believed in the power of money: the more money, the more income and, eventually, the more inflation. He didn't think the Fed could deliver full employment. He regarded interest rates as a misleading measure of whether the Fed was loose or tight. He favored flexible exchange rates, and would have lectured China against pegging its yuan to the dollar.

He didn't trust central bankers. He blamed the Bank of Japan for the deflation of the 1990s and the Fed for the Great Depression of the 1930s and the Great Inflation of the 1970s. He would, if his sharp-tongued co-author Anna Schwartz is any clue, have condemned the bank bailouts of recent years. "They should not be recapitalizing firms that should be shut down," she told the Journal in October 2008.

David Wessel looks at what would Milton Friedman, the University of Chicago champion of monetary discipline, do now? Would he approve of Federal Reserve Chairman Ben Bernanke's move to buy more U.S. Treasury bonds to put more money into the economy?

Friedman would have scoffed at the notion that the Fed is out of ammunition. He believed in the potency of "quantitative easing," or QE—printing money to buy bonds.

"The Bank of Japan can buy government bonds on the open market…" he wrote in 1998. "Most of the proceeds will end up in commercial banks, adding to their reserves and enabling them to expand…loans and open-market purchases. But whether they do so or not, the money supply will increase…. Higher money supply growth would have the same effect as always. After a year or so, the economy will expand more rapidly; output will grow, and after another delay, inflation will increase moderately."

But how would he decide if the Fed should buy bonds now?

He would look at the growth of the money supply, though he and his followers always had trouble identifying which measure was the right one. The Fed pumped up the monetary base (currency plus bank reserves), but broader measures are growing slowly. That bolsters the QE case. Still, the money supply is growing, not shrinking, Mr. Lucas notes. "If we had something like the Japanese deflation I'm sure Milton would say: Pour more money into the system. But we're not in that situation." POINT: Uncertain on QE.

He would warn, as he often did, about "erratic swings" in the money supply. For much of his career he said the Fed should let the money supply grow at a fixed rate. "Friedman did not believe in big discretionary changes in the money supply," says John Taylor, a Stanford University economist. "He would argue that we need to keep money growth stable, and if it slows, pick it up." But he wouldn't back massive bond-buying, Mr. Taylor insists. POINT: Against QE.

He would look at velocity, the number of times a dollar turns over in a given year, to gauge demand for money. "To keep prices stable, the Fed must see to it that the quantity of money changes in such a way to offset movements in velocity and output," he wrote in this newspaper in 2003.

When velocity is stable, the Fed should keep money growth steady. When velocity swings widely, the Fed shouldn't be passive. Velocity rose sharply from 1990 to 1997 and then plummeted; the Fed offset that and kept inflation stable, he said with praise. Velocity has been falling—which means each dollar the Fed prints has less oomph. POINT: For QE.

He would look at growth in income. "He considered stable nominal [unadjusted for inflation] income growth desirable because sudden swings in it (and thus in spending) cause huge macroeconomic disturbances when wages and prices fail to adjust quickly," says economist David Beckworth of Texas State University. Income is growing well below historical norms. POINT: For QE.

He would look at bond-market inflation expectations. In his 1992 "Money Mischief," Mr. Friedman said Treasury bonds with an interest rate tied to inflation would produce "a market measure of expected inflation" that would give the Fed "information to guide its course that it now lacks" and a way to "hold it accountable." It could even lead Congress to legislate an inflation target, he said with approval.

Today, we have inflation-tied bonds and what amounts to a Fed inflation target. Markets anticipated low and falling inflation—until Mr. Bernanke began talking about QE2 in late August, a sign that markets believe Fed's bond-buying will boost inflation, as the Fed desires. POINT: For QE.

Milton Friedman held unswervingly to his principles, but was more pragmatic than some of his modern-day followers. He was supremely self-confident, but, as Mr. Lucas puts it: "One of the many lessons I learned in Friedman's class was to work out my own views on questions, using economic logic as well as I can, and not to trust authority—even his."

The Friedman logic, though, makes the case for QE2.

fonte
Be Kind; Everyone You Meet is Fighting a Battle.
Ian Mclaren
------------------------------
If you have more than you need, build a longer table rather than a taller fence.
l6l803399
-------------------------------------------
So, first of all, let me assert my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is...fear itself — nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance.
Franklin D. Roosevelt

Lark

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Re:Krugman et al
« Responder #254 em: 2012-10-03 13:27:00 »
October 28, 2010

Friedman on Japan

David Wessel has an article asking what Milton Friedman would say about quantitative easing, and concludes that he would have been in favor. But I was struck by Friedman’s 1998 remarks about Japan, in which he basically said that increasing the monetary base would do the trick:

“The Bank of Japan can buy government bonds on the open market…” he wrote in 1998. “Most of the proceeds will end up in commercial banks, adding to their reserves and enabling them to expand…loans and open-market purchases. But whether they do so or not, the money supply will increase…. Higher money supply growth would have the same effect as always. After a year or so, the economy will expand more rapidly; output will grow, and after another delay, inflation will increase moderately.”
Well, they did that: staring in 2000, the BOJ nearly doubled monetary base over a period of 3 years.

And the money just sat there. Banks did not, in fact, expand loans.

In fact, Japan’s experience is a key element of the case against monetarism. Just printing notes does not work when you’re in a liquidity trap.

-------------------------------------------------------------------------------

More On Friedman/Japan

I had some graphics problems with my previous post on this subject — it turns out that what looks like a permanent link at the BOJ website isn’t; plus I had some more to say about the subject.

So: David Wessel quoted what Milton Friedman said about Japan in 1998, and interpreted it as meaning that Friedman would favor quantitative easing now. I think that’s right. And just to be clear, I also favor QE — largely because it might help some, and seems to be just about the only policy lever still available in the face of political reality.

But I think it’s also important to note that Friedman was all wrong about Japan — and that you can argue that he was also wrong about the Great Depression, for the same reason.

For what Friedman argued, both for Japan in the 1990s and America in the 1930s, was that all the central bank needed to do was more — push out those reserves into the banking system. This would raise the money supply, and a higher money supply would have the usual effects.

But the Bank of Japan tried that — and found that pushing more reserves into the banks didn’t even lead to rapid growth in the money supply, let alone end the problem of deflation. Here’s a chart of growth rates of the monetary base and of M2, Friedman’s preferred monetary aggregate:


Bank of Japan
So, after 2000 the Bank of Japan engineered a huge increase in the monetary base; this was the original quantitative easing. And it didn’t even translate into a surge in the money supply! This is why I’m so skeptical of people who say that all the Fed has to do is target higher nominal GDP growth — in liquidity trap conditions, the Fed doesn’t even control money, so how can you blithely assume that it controls GDP?

And this also calls very much into question Friedman’s famous claim that the Fed could easily have prevented the Depression, which gradually got transmuted into the claim that the Fed caused the Depression. Yes, M2 fell — but why should we believe that the Fed had any more control over M2 in the 30s than the BOJ had over M2 more recently?

Again, that doesn’t mean that I oppose having the Fed engage in unconventional asset purchases. I’m just trying to be realistic about the likely results. We really, really need expansionary fiscal policy along with Fed policy; and we’re not going to get it.

krugman
« Última modificação: 2012-10-03 13:28:30 por Lark »
Be Kind; Everyone You Meet is Fighting a Battle.
Ian Mclaren
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If you have more than you need, build a longer table rather than a taller fence.
l6l803399
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So, first of all, let me assert my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is...fear itself — nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance.
Franklin D. Roosevelt

Incognitus

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Re:Krugman et al
« Responder #255 em: 2012-10-03 13:58:52 »
Eu aqui concordo que para o QE ter efeito na economia real, o mais provável é que fosse necessária uma expansão dos gastos do Estado. Porém tendo-se já um défice gigante não é realmente provável que tal expansão aconteça. O efeito riqueza deve ser pouco marcado, no presente.
 
"Nem tudo o que pode ser contado conta, e nem tudo o que conta pode ser contado.", Albert Einstein

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Incognitus

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Re:Krugman et al
« Responder #256 em: 2012-10-03 14:27:47 »
"Nem tudo o que pode ser contado conta, e nem tudo o que conta pode ser contado.", Albert Einstein

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hermes

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Re:Krugman et al
« Responder #257 em: 2012-10-03 20:16:12 »
The 3 Scariest Government Charts
http://seekingalpha.com/article/901871-the-3-scariest-government-charts


Gráficos interessantes, mas a América não é o Japão...

Aliás, penso que os especuladores foram enganados pelo endividamento público do Japão e o conhecido patamar dos 90% mencionado nos estudos do Rogoff.

Segue-se a imagem pertinente. A fonte é o "The Age of Deleveraging" do A. Gary Shilling e a descrição é:

Citar
Debt as a Percentage of GDP, 2010
Data sources: Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) and the International Monetary Fund (IMF).


A razão para a diferença do Japão é a seguinte:

Citar
In most countries, gross government debt includes borrowings by one branch of the government from another, and should be netted out to determine what is coming from outside sources. These intergovernment transactions are especially large in Japan, so its gross debt-to-GDP ratio of over 200 percent dropped to about 100 percent on a net basis, about the same level as profligate Italy among G-7 countries.
« Última modificação: 2012-10-03 20:22:55 por hermes »
"Everyone knows where we have been. Let's see where we are going." – Another

Incognitus

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Re:Krugman et al
« Responder #258 em: 2012-10-03 20:30:06 »
Sim, tem que se fazer esse tipo de tratamento. Que se torna ainda mais relevante neste momento em que os bancos centrais imprimem e compram dívida pública.
"Nem tudo o que pode ser contado conta, e nem tudo o que conta pode ser contado.", Albert Einstein

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Lark

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Re:Krugman et al
« Responder #259 em: 2012-11-15 18:18:15 »
Let’s Not Make a Deal
By PAUL KRUGMAN
Published: November 8, 2012

To say the obvious: Democrats won an amazing victory. Not only did they hold the White House despite a still-troubled economy, in a year when their Senate majority was supposed to be doomed, they actually added seats.
 
Nor was that all: They scored major gains in the states. Most notably, California — long a poster child for the political dysfunction that comes when nothing can get done without a legislative supermajority — not only voted for much-needed tax increases, but elected, you guessed it, a Democratic supermajority.

But one goal eluded the victors. Even though preliminary estimates suggest that Democrats received somewhat more votes than Republicans in Congressional elections, the G.O.P. retains solid control of the House thanks to extreme gerrymandering by courts and Republican-controlled state governments. And Representative John Boehner, the speaker of the House, wasted no time in declaring that his party remains as intransigent as ever, utterly opposed to any rise in tax rates even as it whines about the size of the deficit.

So President Obama has to make a decision, almost immediately, about how to deal with continuing Republican obstruction. How far should he go in accommodating the G.O.P.’s demands?

My answer is, not far at all. Mr. Obama should hang tough, declaring himself willing, if necessary, to hold his ground even at the cost of letting his opponents inflict damage on a still-shaky economy. And this is definitely no time to negotiate a “grand bargain” on the budget that snatches defeat from the jaws of victory.

In saying this, I don’t mean to minimize the very real economic dangers posed by the so-called fiscal cliff that is looming at the end of this year if the two parties can’t reach a deal. Both the Bush-era tax cuts and the Obama administration’s payroll tax cut are set to expire, even as automatic spending cuts in defense and elsewhere kick in thanks to the deal struck after the 2011 confrontation over the debt ceiling. And the looming combination of tax increases and spending cuts looks easily large enough to push America back into recession.

Nobody wants to see that happen. Yet it may happen all the same, and Mr. Obama has to be willing to let it happen if necessary.

Why? Because Republicans are trying, for the third time since he took office, to use economic blackmail to achieve a goal they lack the votes to achieve through the normal legislative process. In particular, they want to extend the Bush tax cuts for the wealthy, even though the nation can’t afford to make those tax cuts permanent and the public believes that taxes on the rich should go up — and they’re threatening to block any deal on anything else unless they get their way. So they are, in effect, threatening to tank the economy unless their demands are met.

Mr. Obama essentially surrendered in the face of similar tactics at the end of 2010, extending low taxes on the rich for two more years. He made significant concessions again in 2011, when Republicans threatened to create financial chaos by refusing to raise the debt ceiling. And the current potential crisis is the legacy of those past concessions.

Well, this has to stop — unless we want hostage-taking, the threat of making the nation ungovernable, to become a standard part of our political process.

So what should he do? Just say no, and go over the cliff if necessary.

It’s worth pointing out that the fiscal cliff isn’t really a cliff. It’s not like the debt-ceiling confrontation, where terrible things might well have happened right away if the deadline had been missed. This time, nothing very bad will happen to the economy if agreement isn’t reached until a few weeks or even a few months into 2013. So there’s time to bargain.

More important, however, is the point that a stalemate would hurt Republican backers, corporate donors in particular, every bit as much as it hurt the rest of the country. As the risk of severe economic damage grew, Republicans would face intense pressure to cut a deal after all.

Meanwhile, the president is in a far stronger position than in previous confrontations. I don’t place much stock in talk of “mandates,” but Mr. Obama did win re-election with a populist campaign, so he can plausibly claim that Republicans are defying the will of the American people. And he just won his big election and is, therefore, far better placed than before to weather any political blowback from economic troubles — especially when it would be so obvious that these troubles were being deliberately inflicted by the G.O.P. in a last-ditch attempt to defend the privileges of the 1 percent.

Most of all, standing up to hostage-taking is the right thing to do for the health of America’s political system.

So stand your ground, Mr. President, and don’t give in to threats. No deal is better than a bad deal.
Be Kind; Everyone You Meet is Fighting a Battle.
Ian Mclaren
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If you have more than you need, build a longer table rather than a taller fence.
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So, first of all, let me assert my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is...fear itself — nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance.
Franklin D. Roosevelt