Liberal Appeal of Rome 1981I Premise
1. We Liberals, from Africa, the Americas, Asia, Australasia and Europe, assembled in Rome in September 1981, at a time of gross violations of human rights and persistent grave tensions which threaten peace and democracy;
a) confronted with the increased effects of the tremendous changes in which liberalism has played a decisive part and which have been changing fundamentally the concept of man, society and the state; of science and technology; of politics and economics;
b) determined to influence these profound changes and their worldwide repercussions in the liberal direction, namely, the fundamental rights of man;
c) reaffirm our faith in the enduring validity of the fundamental liberal principles defined in the Oxford Manifesto of 1947;
d) confirm the Declaration of Oxford of 1967 on some of the main developments of the last decades;
e) call on all men and women in all lands who put their hopes in freedom to take up with renewed faith and understanding the great task of ensuring the survival and strength of free society by demonstrating its unique capacity to turn to the service of humanity the new forces which have grown and emerged, and of satisfying through liberty, the spiritual and material needs of the peoples of the world.
2. The liberal task is made harder by many of the realities which confront us. The ambiguity of the new forces described in the Declaration of Oxford of 1967 has become greater. New forms of freedom but also new forms of oppression have been born. We must analyse more deeply, devise and organise new institutions, make a vigorous effort to ensure the acceptance of liberalism by public opinion. We must strive for a new balance between the necessary intervention of the state and the initiative of the individual, without which the state turns itself into an oppressive bureaucracy. We must go beyond the industrialised states and take a world view.
3. We must be aware of the extent and depth of the resistance we are bound to find, not only as is natural, among other political groupings. There are those who believe that our principles, our view of man, of society, of the state, of the economy and of the international community are by necessity wedded to the rules and institutions set up by our fathers and ancestors. On the contrary, we recognise that the departures from old ways are, in the main, the result of new factors. It is our task to understand these factors in order to make them amenable to new and various forms of liberal-democratic society, state and economy, now and in the future.
II Liberal Principles and Present Realities
4. The main challenges we are faced with in the interplay between our principles and present realities are :
a) the fact that over two-thirds of mankind live under regimes which do not respect fundamental human rights;
b) the growing disparities between the rich countries with long-established industrialisation, the newly industrialised countries, the developing countries with raw materials and energy resources and the very poor countries with scant resources;
c) the deterioration in the "terms of exchange" between man and nature due to the increasing pressure of population and its demands;
d) the growing threat to the environment and the quality of life;
e) the severe tensions between states and groups of states, caused by imperialist and nationalist ambitions, by ideological conflicts and by reciprocal fears;
f) the arms race which threatens the survival of mankind;
g) the divisions within the industrialised democracies and the wide-spread disenchantment with their working.
Taken together, these challenges represent the deepest crisis with which humankind has been faced in its long history, both in the East and in the West, while the South asserts its justified demands for political independence, cultural integrity and a fairer share of the world's resources.
5. The growing disparities in wealth within and between countries threaten peace and democracy in the whole world. Liberal values are unique in opening the way both to political and personal freedom and material development. But where a great number of people suffer hunger, disease, destitution, unemployment and under-employment freedom is undermined.
6. The wide-spread disenchantment or disaffection, especially among the young in liberal democracies, is the result of the partial failure to create, support and promote idealistic values as well as of the incapacity to adapt institutions and to ensure more justice and a better quality of living. In extreme cases, this disaffection has led to terrorism, in others, to anarchism or to a refusal to participate in public life. The values of freedom and independence promoted by liberalism can overcome this void, particularly if liberals make it clear that freedom for the individual is not to be confused with egoism, but is freedom within the context of a community, implying responsibility and solidarity with fellow men.
7. It has become evident that energy resources and raw materials as well as land for agriculture are not inexhaustible. While the population is still increasing in many parts of the world at a frightening rate and while material expectations everywhere continue to be raised, it is impossible to satisfy these demands by unlimited economic growth without irreparable damage to the environment. Massive energy conservation and the development of renewable and ecologically safe energy resources are essential.
8. The continuing build-up of arms in all regions of the world diverts resources which could be better used to improve living conditions, especially of the poorest groups and countries. While recognising the importance to many nations of an adequate defence, liberals call for moderation and prudence. A world where peace is only kept by military measures is a world in peril. Peace and stability mean more than mere deterrence. Liberalism requires that the causes of violent conflicts be reduced by political and diplomatic action as well as by social, economic and cultural development.
9. There is no such thing as a definitive solution for the problems of mankind; no "paradise on earth" of any kind is possible. The understandable urge of man to solve difficulties for ever is the root of totalitarianism. The specific liberal approach is based on the following principles:
a) continuous debate, criticism and reform are indispensable to a healthy society;
b) no liberal believes in absolute power; the basis of legitimate power is consent, but excessive concentration of governmental power stifles consent. To make consent a reality, power must be disseminated and decentralised through a variety of democratically responsible institutions;
c) liberals believe in obeying the will of the majority unless it runs counter to human rights and to the fundamental principles of freedom;
d) equality in dignity, rights and opportunities; the protection of the individual against the main material hazards of life; a more just distribution of property and income are essential, but must not be confused with abstract egalitarianism;
e) liberals support those liberation movements which in the face of tyranny struggle for freedom and democracy whilst continuing to reject unequivocally the use of terrorism or any other form of illegal violence in democratic societies;
f) liberals consider it essential to strive for equality of men and women. Women and men should have the same opportunity to participate in the development of their countries.
III Institutional Issues in Modern Democracies
10. Liberalism requires the continual reform and renewal of democratic institutions. It faces the following main challenges :
a) the need to strengthen the real power of parliaments;
b) improving the efficiency of the executive power and parliamentary control over it;
c) the decentralisation of power;
d) the legal protection of the individual and of human dignity;
e) the balancing of state intervention and non-interference;
f) cooperation between states.
11. Liberals are aware of the fact that liberal democracy is not a perfect system but it is the one most favourable to freedom, human dignity and social justice.
12. Starting from the premise that every system can be improved and that to remain static is a threat to stability and the future, liberal democracy can be described as the system most able to meet the permanent challenge of improvement and reform. It is the institutions in which values are embodied that change, not the values themselves.
13. Improvement and renewal in the institutions of state and society is seen by modern liberals as most important in :
a) the most effective representation of the people's will in the legislative power, e.g. through proportional representation, referenda, the development of legally-organised as well as spontaneous participation in public activities, the protection of minorities to ensure their equality of opportunity;
b) the reorganisation of the legislature, bearing in mind that large sectors of the population, particularly the young, are deeply dissatisfied with the actual functioning of parliamentary democracy. Liberals see with great concern that in some parliamentary democracies the efficient control of the executive by the legislative power is hampered by technocracy, institutional defects or by special interest groups;
c) the greater prestige and effectiveness of the executive power; the choice between a parliamentary and a presidential executive should be based on the traditions and needs of individual countries, control by the electorate through parliament should always be ensured;
d) the decentralisation of power by the proper and clearly defined organisation of regional and local government : liberals consider this as an important horizontal extension of the traditional vertical division of power;
e) the inclusion of trade unions and business and professional associations in the liberal democratic system of checks and balances, in order to make planning for the market economy possible and achieve healthier and more just industrial relations;
f) the status of women in society, the disabilities and disadvantages imposed upon them are fundamental questions of concern to everybody. The unequal status of women is wasteful of the talents of half the population when the development of society demands the contribution of all citizens;
g) the legal protection of the individual from acts by the state which threaten his fundamental rights and existence (Habeas corpus, proscription of torture, abolition of the death penalty);
h) the protection of the privacy of the individual against technological spying and the abuse of computers by state or private agencies;
i) the strict regulation and control of biological engineering and psychological manipulation, in order to protect the individual's personality and health;
j) the careful balancing of state intervention and non-interference to reconcile the interests of the individual and those of society. The liberal principles are that :
- the freedom of the individual is of foremost importance;
- the state should intervene in order to ensure freedom for all;
- without individual initiative and responsibility both in the private and pubic sectors the state turns itself into a soulless bureaucratic machine and rapidly loses efficiency;
k) the strengthening of existing and the creation of new organisations at international, inter-continental and worldwide level in order to increase cooperation based on the equitable treatment of all countries.
IV Educational and Cultural Issues
14. Modern liberalism is faced with :
a) worldwide pluralism of cultures;
b) cultural, political, professional and economic aspects of modern education in and for a democratic society;
c) the need for freedom and pluralism in the media.
15. Today there is a growing awareness in the developing countries of their own cultural identity. Profound conflicts between the occident and, in particular, the Islamic world are to a degree the result of mutual cultural misunderstandings. The industrialised world must realise that for a growing number of countries the values and achievements of technical civilisation are not beyond critical scrutiny or even outright rejection.
Unlike some other value systems which originate in Europe, liberalism has by tradition a tolerant and open attitude towards different cultures. Liberals have therefore to be in the forefront of those who refuse to limit the North-South dialogue to economic and political matters. In a multi-polar world, where the military and economic hegemony of the superpowers is increasingly questioned and challenged, cultural pluralism is a valuable means for promoting understanding and cooperation across borders.
16. For liberals, culture is not an abstract concept. Culture affects directly or indirectly the daily life of every man, woman and child. It is the central task of a liberal cultural policy to make people aware of the fact that their existence is deeply conditioned by cultural values and inheritance. The promotion of cultural activities in and by the community must primarily aim at creating, for the largest possible number of citizens, awareness of their own culture and understanding of the cultures of other peoples and continents.
17. The main instrument with which to break down barriers to culture and to fight cultural, political and racial intolerance is free education, based on democratic methods. Education has been, and is, the most important tool for a liberal policy to promote peace, to fight class barriers and social and economic injustice, to overcome backwardness and to harmonise humanist and technical knowledge. Liberals therefore ask for the promotion of education for both sexes and all ages with the aims :
a) of creating for each individual equal opportunities for a personally satisfying and socially useful life;
b) of making people aware of the mutual dependence of states and regions in the solution of complex problems which today, more often than not, go beyond national borders;
c) of ensuring that women no longer receive less education than men during or after their school years;
d) of making parents aware that good education at home, as well as at school, is the basis of good citizenship.
18. Freedom and pluralism in the mass media are essential to a liberal society. There can be no political freedom where the media are in the hands of a monopoly or quasi-monopoly, private or public. Liberals see, with growing concern, the powerful attacks against press freedom from within and from outside liberal societies, the main challenges being:
a) the increasing concentration of press-ownership within industrialised democracies;
b) new technology, making transnational communication easier, but also providing dangerous instruments for the manipulation of public opinion and for the weakening of indigenous cultures;
c) the attacks of governments, group interests and international organisations against a pluralist press independent of government control and censorship.
Liberals recognise that to meet these challenges state subsidies under public supervision may sometimes be necessary to ensure the continuation of pluralism in the media. They insist that such subsidies and supervision should be strictly controlled in their turn, so as not to be self-defeating.
19. Liberals acknowledge the legitimate demand of the developing countries for a fairer representation of their problems in the Western media. This aim cannot be achieved through censorship and restrictions on the flow of information. The Western democracies and the developing countries must reach a reciprocal agreement of mutual benefit which respects press freedom and pluralism.
V Economic and Social Issues
20. The following are of crucial importance today :
a) the role of the economy in a liberal democracy;
b) the role of the state and planning in a social market economy;
c) social security;
d) new technologies and the protection of the environment.
21. The basic liberal principle in the economy is that there can be no political freedom where the state fully controls the economy and no room is left for private initiative. But notwithstanding some delusions to the contrary, there can also be no real and lasting economic freedom where political freedom has been abolished and human rights are not respected.
22. The link which exists for liberals between a social market economy and liberal democracy also implies a constant battle against monopolies, cartels, restrictive trusts, restrictive practices and so-called "dominant positions", open or disguised, private or public, except for cases authorised by law for justified and defined social needs.
23. Internationally, the natural corollary of a social market economy is free trade based on equality and partnership and, in some cases, on planning for the international market. Protectionism, de jure or de facto, conflicts with a market economy.
24. The stability of a liberal democratic system and the proper working of a social market economy are in jeopardy where large sectors of a country's population live in misery. The functioning of a market economy must be judged by its capacity to guarantee sufficiency and a fairer distribution of material wealth and economic power than any other system.
25. In the long term, the poverty of large parts of the world can best be alleviated through freedom of trade, but such freedom is endangered by cartels, restrictive trusts and by the artificial and unfair pricing of raw materials and crops. Where a market economy comes up against protection de jure or de facto, a case can be made for counter measures as an instrument for re-establishing freedom of trade, except for special arrangements for the poorest countries.
26. State or private monopolies, operating nationally or internationally, endanger the market economy and should be subject to strict legislation. Liberals favour, too, international codes of conduct and legislation when necessary for transnational companies. They recognise both the dangers they present of abuses of economic and political power and their positive influence in spreading investment and technology and in diversifying economies.
27. The liberal concept of the market has been wrongly connected with an economy controlled by purely monetary means or a "laisser-faire" economy disassociated from the interests of the poor and of the community as a whole. Liberals do not accept such a simplistic view of the market economy and of their attitude towards it. They have long recognised that economic freedom, in the case where it could be hostile to the welfare of the community, degenerates into anarchy and is one of the sources of oppression.
28. Planning, in the liberal sense of the word, means planning of and for liberty. Planning in a social market economy is based on an interaction between private initiative and state intervention. Where conditions call for it, a flexible incomes policy can be a part of such planning. In a modern society economic problems are too complex to be mastered either by the private or the public sector alone.
29. The structural changes in production and services, which are the inevitable product of technological progress, create problems which often require concerted action by private enterprise and the state. Public intervention must then aim to create competitive enterprises in market conditions.
We liberals reaffirm our confidence that the social and economic changes caused by the extension and application of new technologies, if they take place in a spirit of peaceful human cooperation and in the framework of a liberal democratic state and society, especially in the sector of information, can lead to a greater participation of human intelligence in the process of production, more human working conditions and, finally, the freeing of physical resources as a means of satisfying human needs.
30. With this undogmatic approach towards the role of the state in the economy, liberals do not see the relations between the private and public sector in a given economy and at a given time as static or final. Whilst the state or local authorities can be forced by their obligations to public welfare to take over economic activities, there must be a constant review of the public activities to decide which of them should be returned in some form to private enterprise or to voluntary organisations or local groups of citizens cooperating with public bodies. It is, however, necessary to ensure that a public monopoly is not turned into a private monopoly.
31. Liberals are in favour of industrial democracy based on genuine direct worker participation and on profit-sharing. This has already proved its value in many cases and should be further developed. Present forms of organisation in the public and private sectors do not exclude new models. Liberals encourage cooperatives, companies owned by their workers and the decentralisation of large enterprises into smaller units.
32. For liberals, full employment is a cardinal economic and social aspiration. Large-scale unemployment, especially among the young, is unacceptable for liberals. Where many people are out of work without any reasonable prospect of employment, the basic political and economic values of liberalism are threatened.
33. The market economy destroys its very basis where it encourages or permits economic growth irrespective of its ecological impact. The welfare of a society goes beyond the quantitative growth of its economy and is connected with the quality of life in its broadest sense. Market economic structures and environmental protection are complementary. Where nature and natural resources are destroyed, there is nothing left for any economy to work on. Planning and taxation must take this into account. On the other hand, "zero growth" as a remedy to social and economic ills is unacceptable - not least because the well-balanced development we desire is becoming more costly.
34. Individuals as free citizens are themselves first and foremost responsible for their own existence and their life-long development. But where for reasons beyond their control, e.g. illness, disablement, unemployment, old age, they are not able to live up to this responsibility, the community, organised by the state, is responsible for their social security and material welfare.
35. The corrective role of the state must not make everybody dependent on subsidy. The main dangers inherent in an over-extended welfare state are :
a) it makes people dependent on government and bureaucracy, thereby reducing their sense of responsibility and their freedom;
b) it creates an expanding bureaucracy which inclines to grab for power for itself beyond its competence;
c) by taxes or by waste it subtracts too large a portion of the national income from the growing needs for productive investment, research and development;
d) it can feed inflation and therefore make employment and investment more difficult.
36. Liberals believe that taxation should be commensurate to the rights of the individual and the needs of society for saving and investment. Taxation should therefore play a positive role in encouraging enterprise and in ensuring a greater equality of opportunity.
Liberal advocate the benefit principle. Where feasible and equitable, corporations and consumers should pay for the goods and services received from government instead of charging the cost to countless anonymous taxpayers. This reduces waste and promotes an equilibrium between demand and supply in the public sector.
37. To try to eliminate poverty and social injustice is not to accept egalitarianism vis. the abstract right to rigid equality of conditions for all, independent of talent, work or forethought. While liberals strongly support measures to reduce differences in wealth, to protect each citizen and to increase equality of opportunity, they decidedly oppose egalitarianism which degrades the individual, whereas the recognition of merit in conditions of social justice is stimulating.
38. Liberals consider each human being to be unique; not equal, but of equal worth. Equality means that everybody must have equal opportunities for their self-development and must have the opportunities to make a full contribution to society.
VI Liberalism and International Affairs
39. Among the many problems with which liberals are confronted are those concerned with :
- human and political rights and "realpolitik";
- tensions and detente between East and West;
- "bipolarism" and "multipolarism";
- the arms race;
- regional organisations;
- the non-aligned states;
- the developing countries;
- the United Nations.
40. Liberals take up these challenges, like those of the North-South dialogue, in a spirit of universalism. Their traditional refusal to consider race or creed, class or nationality, sex or age, as reasons for discrimination, is applied by liberals today to the affairs of the whole world, far beyond the borders of the industrialised countries. This is not only due to the evidence of growing interdependence between nations. It comes from recognising that the pluralism of cultures is a necessity. Otherwise, bureaucracy and national pride run wild, technology and consumerism unrestrained, will stifle the human quality of each man and woman to which we attach fundamental importance. It also arises from the awareness that cross-fertilisation between cultures all over the world can create a pluralist civilisation, contributing to general understanding and the peaceful solution of unavoidable conflicts of interest.
41. Civil and political human rights constitute an inalienable endowment of every man and woman in the world. Their defence and promotion are incumbent on the states, or groups of states, where, even with limitations, these rights are already applied. This may lead states into conflict with their short-term interests. Notwithstanding this, governments must follow the kind of action most conducive to the widest possible acceptance of civil and political human rights, while liberals have the duty of outright denunciation of abuses. In the longer term such policies are often the most successful, especially in a world where public opinion rightly plays an increasing part. This applies with particular force in Latin America and Africa.
42. Since 1945, the world has been dominated by continuous tension between the NATO and Warsaw Pact States, revolving around the USA and the USSR. It is sustained by a conflict of ideals between a West which is governed, on the whole, by liberal democratic institutions and the totalitarian regime of the Soviet Union. It is intensified by the growing reluctance with which the smaller states of the Warsaw Pact bear Soviet-controlled regimes and policies. The danger that these tensions, mingling with others, may go beyond existing conflicts and explode into a world war or into serious "limited" wars, as we have seen them do year by year, has been recognised on both sides. The "cold war" gave way to a policy of detente, that is, of increased negotiation and accommodation, which led to the Helsinki Agreement. These limited gains are now in jeopardy.
A very important factor is the tremendous build-up in military strength both by East and West, the USSR having thereby achieved a worldwide balance in strategic nuclear weapons with the USA, while, in Europe, the Warsaw Pact has clearly surpassed NATO in long range theatre nuclear forces and in conventional arms. In such circumstances liberals believe :
a) that the spirit of liberal universalism should govern the attitudes of the West towards the USSR and her allies, trusting in the inherent superior strength of the ideas and institutions of liberty;
b) that the West should uphold at all times the cause of civil and political human rights with regard to all countries in the world, as foreseen by the United Nations' Covenants on human rights and the Final Act of Helsinki, which bear the signatures of both East and West;
c) that cultural, technological and economic cooperation between East and West should be considered as parts of their total relationship;
d) that dialogue and negotiation should be continued with a particular accent on disarmament and on ending acts of military intervention and the arms race;
e) that detente is indivisible;
f) that the West should at no time leave the USSR under any delusion concerning its will both to negotiate and to stand up to aggression;
g) that the balance of military strength is an indispensable condition for the continuation and the success, however limited, of detente.
43. The estrangement between China and the USSR and the emergence of new powers (like OPEC) with growing impact on world affairs, have given birth to the notion that the "bipolar" relations between NATO and the Warsaw Pact are now superseded by a "multipolar" world system. Liberals believe :
a) that for motives of power - political, military, and economic - the "bipolar" relationship remains of paramount importance and will remain so for a long time;
b) that the trend towards a "multipolar" system is, however, undeniable and makes the liberal universalist view of the world more relevant;
c) that the role of neutral and non-aligned countries in world politics is growing in importance and these countries can become mediating forces;
d) that the greatest attention should be given to the establishment of peaceful cooperation with the new emerging forces.
44. Among such forces must be included the regional groupings of states which are appearing all round the world. Important among them is the European Community, which, besides its economic achievements, has begun the extension of democratic political institutions to international relations. This tends to create a new factor of equilibrium between East and West and in the world in general. Other multinational agreements and organisations such as the Andean Pact, ASEAN, EFTA, the Lom‚ Convention and the OAU, whilst not having the same impact as the European Community, are valuable instruments for securing regional, economic and political stability. Liberals welcome and support such developments, which correspond to their view of better international understanding on the basis of common cultures and common interests.
45. With regard to the non-aligned countries, liberals believe:
a) that the effort to create and maintain a vast differentiated area not aligned with either of the superpowers should be encouraged;
b) that any country should have the right to be non-aligned;
c) that many non-aligned countries can contribute much to the spreading and taking hold of liberal universalism.
46. The present and growing level of expenditure on armaments is a terrible danger. This load increases year by year and incites countries to indulge in so-called "limited wars". The arms race has spread to the poor and poorest developing states, where it constitutes a staggering burden.
a) No effort should be spared to bring the expenditure on arms under control and to reduce it in relative and absolute terms by mutually balanced and controlled efforts. This goal, once considered utopian, is now a matter of life and death for civilisation.
b) The manufacture, transfers and trade of all arms should be strictly controlled by governments, acting in agreement. To this end, a UN-register on all transfers of arms across borders should be established.
c) The growing sophistication of all armaments makes these tasks not only imperative, but urgent.
47. Liberals confirm the opinion expressed in the Oxford Declaration of 1967 about the United Nations. Liberals believe that the UN, originally set up to solve conflicts and enforce the rule of law in international relations, still deserves the support of the people in all countries to enable it to fulfil these great responsibilities. But in view of the many weaknesses of the organisation and failures of its members, liberals consider it their task to monitor the activities of the UN and its special organisations as well as to further their reform, in order to protect the fairness of the deliberations and decisions in these worldwide organisations.
VII The Liberal View on the Relationship between the Industrialised and Developing Countries
48. The main challenges are :
- the chances for liberal democracy in the developing world;
- the variety of groups of developing countries, ranging economically from oil-exporting to the newly-industrialised and to the very poor countries which require different policies;
- the cultural aspects inherent in the North-South dialogue;
- the relationship between the North-South dialogue and the tensions between East and West, as well as the global arms race.
49. Liberalism cannot accept that the North-South dialogue should merely be an exchange of material values, trade, economic cooperation and aid. Apart from cultural values, political ideas have to play an important role. Liberals see human rights not only under the aspect of political rights and pluralism but also under the aspect of specific social rights. We cannot accept that human rights, political dignity, both personal and national, should be estimated by the size of the gross national product or by the readiness to act as mercenaries for the East or as bases for the West. It would be equivalent to capitulation and ultimately to self-destruction for liberalism if developing countries had no other choice but left or right wing totalitarian regimes. Liberalism can become the basis of free regimes in the developing countries. The future of liberalism in the industrialised parts of the world also depends on the possibility of extending its values to the developing countries in all their variety.
50. Liberalism in the developing countries offers a third way which rejects both authoritarian regimes of dictatorship or theocratic reaction and communist totalitarianism. Liberalism favours and promotes a simultaneous development in economics, culture and politics. Marxism instead subordinates political freedom to economic progress which ultimately cannot be achieved even on its own premises. Equally the dogmatic partisans of a totally capitalist system are ready to subordinate to this unrealistic goal, the achievement of economic and social progress.
51. Liberals do not accept the views of those who believe that if a developing country joins the non-aligned, if its government steers a rather nationalist economic course, if it introduces strict economic planning or financial control, it means that such a country has broken or means to break with the liberal democracies.
52. Liberals consider the right of people to their own cultural identity as of fundamental importance. Liberals understand and support the claim of many developing countries to abide by their cultures even at the price of slower economic development.
53. Liberals see the world as an indivisible unit, in which no part can live in real and lasting peace and prosperity while so many human beings suffer from poverty and even destitution. The plight of the millions of destitute people in the developing countries must be of direct concern to every country in the industrialised world.
54. It is obvious that the world cannot for much longer develop along totally different and separate lines, where one-third of mankind burns up more than two-thirds of all non-renewable energy resources and where in the industrialised societies of the West the average citizen lives on an income which is equivalent to that of seventy families in Bangladesh. Revolutions have been caused within one society by extreme disparities in income and property and thereby in human, social and political status. It is a scandal which threatens us with massive conflicts that two-thirds of mankind live on or below the poverty line, whilst good agricultural land and forest are destroyed year by year without the world community taking any effective steps to stop it.
55. Since many natural resources are being used up at a rate which can only create the greatest difficulties for coming generations, while nature has only a limited capacity to absorb the by-products of industrial activities, a more equitable distribution of wealth cannot be achieved by having uninhibitedly growing economies in the industrialised countries, while at the same time raising the rapidly increasing population in the developing countries to the standards of living and consumption enjoyed by the majority of North Americans, West Europeans and Japanese and by some at least of the East Europeans. The persistent unwillingness of the Comecon countries to make any significant contribution to the economic and social progress of the developing countries is shocking.
56. A more just distribution of wealth therefore means that the industrialised societies must drastically reduce their waste of raw materials and non-renewable energy resources. They must slow down the rate of increase of their per capita consumption in order to make room for the greater productive investments they need for themselves and for the development of the world economy, including the developing countries, for trade concessions and for direct transfer of resources to the more needy parts of the world. The balance of consumption of natural resources has to be tilted in favour of the human beings living on the edge of starvation.
57. Liberals have to pay particular attention to ensure that the industrialised countries abide by the policy of free trade, not only in dealing with other industrialised countries but especially in their relations with the developing countries, without excluding the maintenance and development of preferential agreements in favour of poor states. Contrary to views often held, in the longer term and if proper policies are followed, trade with the developing countries not only does not reduce employment in the industrialised countries but in fact is instrumental in increasing it and therefore positive for both parties.
58. Liberals believe that the engagement made by industrialised states granting official aid to the developing countries of at least 0.7% of their gross national product should be speedily fulfilled. It is unacceptable that many states have not yet reached this inadequate percentage. More must also be done on either side to encourage the development of private productive investment in developing countries.
59. Economic underdevelopment in many developing countries is caused, apart from the negative after-effects of colonialism and the inequalities in world trade and economic cooperation, by economic mismanagement and the political failures of the indigenous elite. The developing countries, and particularly the liberal forces within these countries, must put more emphasis on basic needs such as the mobilisation of their own resources both human and material, public health and education, population control, the fight against corruption, the efficiency of the administration and the proper working of the political system. Liberals from the industrialised countries should strongly support these efforts.
60. One of the most serious threats to the economic and social development of the developing countries is the tension between East and West. The arms race, which represents a heavy and growing burden for the economies of the industrialised countries, is ruinous for the developing countries and induces them to abandon non-alignment and to devote a growing part of their scant resources to policies of military or political aggrandizement which weaken or destroy their internal freedom and run counter to their real needs.
VIII The Way Forward
61. We reaffirm our faith in the unique capacity of liberalism to meet the threats to freedom, human existence and security from external aggression. In a world of rapid change and growing complexity, where even totalitarians pay lip-service to liberal values, all men and women are entitled to seek more liberty and dignity, better conditions of life and greater security.
The great liberal challenge, whilst totalitarians, anarchists, reactionaries and terrorists occupy themselves in fighting the battles of yesterday, is to reconcile these aspirations with the avoidance of anarchy, oppression and tyranny.
In this we look with understanding and a spirit of cooperation to all other democratic forces. To meet this challenge we must fight the battles of today and prepare ourselves for those of tomorrow.
